Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, relations between Russia and Greece—historically a friendly nation—deteriorated significantly. Nonetheless, pro-Russian sentiments persist among certain far-right and leftist factions in Greece, according to Greek expert Prof. Panagiota Manoli.
Since the Cold War’s conclusion, Athens has aimed to balance its affiliations with the European Union and NATO alongside a “special partnership” with Russia. However, in response to Russia’s actions in Ukraine in 2022, Greece aligned itself with EU allies and NATO, resulting in a collapse of Greek-Russian relations, including trade. Manoli, a scholar from the University of Peloponnese and an expert with the ELIAMEP think tank, highlighted that Russia has designated Greece as one of the so-called “unfriendly countries.”
2022 marked a significant shift in Greece’s traditionally pro-Russian sentiment, according to Manoli. She noted that tensions had already escalated in 2018 when Greece expelled two Russian diplomats over accusations of undermining national security.
While public opinion polls indicate that the majority of Greeks denounce the Russian invasion and support aid for Ukraine, there are notable differences between Greek sentiments and those in other EU nations. A Politico poll immediately after the invasion revealed that 60% of Greeks found Russian aggression unacceptable. However, Greeks are among the least supportive of sanctions against Russia; a Eurobarometer survey from May 2022 showed only 53% in favor of these measures, compared to an EU average of 80%. Two years into the conflict, support for sanctions in Greece decreased further to 38%, while the EU’s support stood at 58%.
Manoli pointed out that Greek society views both Russia and the USA with a similar degree of skepticism. Interestingly, since the onset of the war in Ukraine, pro-European sentiment has grown among the Greek populace. Nonetheless, Russophile attitudes continue to exist, and Manoli claimed that Greece was “the most Russophile country in Europe” even after Crimea’s annexation.
Support for Russia is particularly evident among far-right groups who emphasize shared Orthodox religious beliefs and cultural connections. Leftist pro-Russian sentiments, on the other hand, are often rooted in nostalgia for the Soviet era. Additionally, the far-right highlights potential economic benefits from closer ties with Russia, which resonates with a society that has endured a challenging decade-long financial crisis, as Manoli noted.
While Athens provides diplomatic, humanitarian, and military support to Kyiv, Manoli noted a growing reluctance among Greeks to supply military aid. According to Eurobarometer data from March 2024, 61% of EU citizens support continued support for Ukraine, while only 46% of Greeks share this view, placing Greece among the lowest in the EU.
Manoli also mentioned Russia’s unsuccessful attempts to leverage the Greek Orthodox Church for its influence, particularly in northern Greece and on Mount Athos, where Russia has sought to extend its reach through financial aid to certain monasteries. Tensions between the Greek Orthodox Church and the Russian Orthodox Church have persisted for some time.
Regarding the Greek minority in Ukraine, prior to the invasion, approximately 100,000 individuals of Greek descent resided in the Mariupol region. Current conditions make it difficult to assess how many remain under Russian occupation or have fled the country.
By the end of 2023, Greece had welcomed over 23,000 Ukrainian refugees, a figure that includes individuals of Greek heritage. In light of the situation facing the Greek community in Mariupol, the Athens government is advocating for the establishment of an international tribunal to investigate Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. (28.12.2024)
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