The Goal of the EU’s New Strategy for the Sahel: Identifying Common Interests to Foster Collaboration

Madrid – The European Union is currently developing a fresh strategy to enhance its relationship with Sahel nations amidst a noticeable rift with Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger. However, the EU acknowledges the necessity of engaging with the military juntas currently in power, especially as concerns grow among southern European partners regarding the increasing Russian influence in the region and the potential threats that arise from it.

Leading this initiative is Joao Cravinho, the EU’s special envoy for the Sahel, who has held this position since December last year. During an event in Madrid, he indicated that he is still in the process of gathering insights to inform the forthcoming strategic document.

Cravinho’s mandate involves “dialoguing with all Sahel countries,” which includes the three nations currently under military junta control, as well as engaging with their broader neighbors. He is supported by the European External Action Service (EEAS), from which he draws directives. Cravinho previously served as Portugal’s foreign minister.

The new strategy aims to be centered on “identifying mutual interests” with the Sahel countries to establish a potential future cooperation framework, while recognizing that the approach will differ across nations due to the diverse contexts of the Sahel, stretching from Mauritania to Sudan.

TALKING TO THE MILITARY

In order to establish these common interests, Cravinho emphasized the need to engage with the military regimes. “We cannot afford to ignore them simply because they wear uniforms,” he stated, noting that these regimes, which have taken power through unconstitutional means, are unlikely to disappear quickly.

Throughout his months in office, Cravinho observed that European dialogue with the central Sahel countries had severely deteriorated, primarily due to a “mutual inability to listen” and an unclear understanding of what each party deemed important. Many in these nations misunderstood European intentions, viewing aid offers with skepticism, suspecting ulterior motives when, according to Cravinho, the EU has “nothing to hide” but does have vested interests in regional stability.

THE APPROACH TO RUSSIA IS NOT WORKING

Cravinho pointed out that a better understanding of their mutual interests could be more beneficial, especially as these countries start recognizing that their alignment with Russia, particularly in Mali and to a lesser extent in Burkina Faso and Niger, is not producing the desired outcomes.

The recent spate of coups in Mali, beginning in August 2020, and culminating in Niger’s coup in July 2023—along with additional coups in Burkina Faso—stemmed largely from military dissatisfaction regarding the handling of jihadist threats. This has transformed these nations into a significant global hotspot for terrorism, with the 2025 Global Terrorism Index indicating that the Sahel accounted for 51% of global terrorism-related deaths and 19% of attacks. Notably, Burkina Faso is tagged as the world’s most affected country.

“The military response is not enough, and Russian support has its limits,” warns Cravinho.

The military juntas have shifted blame onto Western powers, particularly France, their former colonial authority, for the escalating crisis, citing failures in counter-terrorism efforts. This led to a severance of ties with Paris and the expulsion of French forces, which also affected UN and EU missions in Mali and Niger.

Consequently, these nations have turned to Russia for military support, receiving both equipment and personnel, notably through the presence of mercenaries from the Wagner Group, now operating as Africa Corps under Russian defense oversight. Cravinho indicated that these nations are beginning to realize that relying solely on military solutions is inadequate and that Russian backing has “limits.”

He expressed optimism that the EU would eventually need to address security issues in the Sahel, although he acknowledged that there is currently no opportunity for a “European intervention.” He believes, however, that it will be essential to “militarily support” these countries, which are now appearing “more receptive” than before.

WE MUST UNDERSTAND THEIR SOVEREIGNIST DISCOURSE

Additionally, Cravinho cautioned that the EU should heed the pan-African sovereignist rhetoric employed by the military governments, as they often perceive humanitarian aid as a critique of their capabilities, though they are more open to development assistance. This obligates the EU to “navigate this sensitively.” He highlighted the need for innovative cooperation mechanisms with these nations, as the current focus on large-scale projects and humanitarian


Comments

3 responses to “The Goal of the EU’s New Strategy for the Sahel: Identifying Common Interests to Foster Collaboration”

  1. Oh, brilliant! Because nothing says “let’s build bridges” like chatting up military juntas—it’s like taking your date to a war zone for a romantic picnic. 🍷🇪🇺 Who knew diplomacy could be such a thrilling game of ‘who wears the biggest boots’?

  2. Sounds like another classic EU adventure! Maybe next we can send them a “How to Win Friends and Influence Military Juntas” manual—I’m sure that’ll go down a treat! 😏🇪🇺

  3. Palomino Avatar

    Isn’t it lovely how the EU is finally taking a stroll into the Sahel, like a tourist who forgot their map and is now trying to negotiate with the locals over a cup of overpriced coffee? ☕️🤷‍♂️ Just what we need—more “dialogue” with military juntas while everyone else is busy chasing Russian shadows. Good luck with that, mate! 😂

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